The British Residency broke the terms of the Treaty of Amritsar, which created the State of Jammu and Kashmir, in 1885. After Maharaja Pratap Singh was deposed in 1889, a State Council was formed.
The appointment of the Resident and deposition of the Maharaja was a result of decades-long efforts to intervene in the state, despite the Treaty’s limitations, with Mirza Saifuddin serving as a spy.
During the reign of second Dogra Maharaja Ranbir Singh, British policy of non-interference in the state was reevaluated, but Singh’s strong personality and loyalty, especially during the Revolt of 1857, prompted them to designate Maharaja Pratap Singh as Chief of Jammu and Kashmir.
In 1889, the British successfully removed the Maharaja from the Chiefship by working with anti-Maharaja factions. However, the Mutiny of 1857 exposed India’s fragility and called into question their military might. Russia and other neighbouring powers believed Indians would support invasions. Russia’s annexation of Central Asia and crossing the Afghan border in 1885 increased the Central-Asian question, threatening British India.
The Panjdeh incident occurred that same year as a result of a dispute between Russia and India over the demarcation of Afghanistan’s northern borders. The British understood how critical it was to secure their borders, particularly those of the vital frontier state of Kashmir. The colonial rulers wanted Kashmir to be the protector of the northern frontier with no further duties. Another indication that the state enjoyed ‘independent status’ was that its name was omitted from the ‘Statistical Abstract of British India, population Returns,’ which included all the states that were either in alliance with or subordinate to the Government of India, according to journalist William Digby.
Kashmir’s independence was never fully exercised by its rulers, and after being given to British by Gulab Singh, they began to interfere in the state’s internal affairs to demonstrate their submission to the British Indian Empire. Henry Lawrence, the political resident of Punjab, dispatched Lt. R.G. Taylor to investigate the administration and draft a reform program.
Lawrence warned the Maharaja not to permit tyranny in Kashmir and promised to make arrangements for the protection of the people. Governor General Henry Hardinge echoed this sentiment, stating that the British Government was not obliged to force the people to submit to a ruler who had deprived himself of their allegiance. These warnings were intended to remind Gulab Singh that he owed his money to a higher force and appease British officers who were criticizing Hardinge for his deal with Gulab Singh.
Major Macgregor, who had no political power but could arbitrate disputes between Kashmir Darbar and British visitors, was appointed as the ‘Officer on Special Duty in Kashmir’ in 1852 in order to supervise British visitors to the Valley. The Punjab government continued to appoint officers until 1871, but Lord Mayo, who pushed for a permanent British representative, was appointed as an Under-Secretary of the Imperial Foreign Department to bolster control over Kashmir.
In order to supervise business interests and keep an eye on happenings in Central Asia, Dr. Henry Cayley was appointed as the Commercial Agent in Leh, Ladakh. Cayley was succeeded in 1870 by British Commissioners. Following the establishment of a trade representative and an arbitration officer, Anglo-Kashmir relations strengthened. The idea of designating a resident in Kashmir was considered because of Russia’s expansion. The Lieutenant Governor of Punjab suggested a British Resident permanently at the court, but the Maharaja temporarily blocked this action because of Kashmir’s loyalty to the British.
In 1872, Lord Northbrook repealed the rule allowing British visitors without permission to stay in Kashmir until October. The Officer on Special Duty was named a ‘Political Agent and Justice of Peace’, and they served as overseers. The first move toward a resident in Kashmir was the deposition of the Punjab Government in 1877.
The Maharaja of Kashmir, who had been given Jagirs for his services during the revolt, turned them down and requested the British Government to monitor his state. A lobby, including British tourists and Anglo-Indian press, pushed for Kashmir’s full annexation, citing its moderate climate and importance for India’s North-Western Frontier.
With English farming, racing, mining, fox-hunting, and cricket, a miniature England in Asia was suggested. A British army might be swiftly sent to confront invaders along the Indus or in the Afghan passes. Kashmir’s governance was criticized by Christian missionaries.
Lord Lytton agreed with the notion of ‘misgovernment’. They emphasized on the growing significance of trans-border interests along the Indian frontier and criticized Kashmir’s harsh administration, inhumane land settlements, and dishonest officials. They contended that in order to save a dying minority, substantial action was required.
Events during the rule of Maharaja Ranbir Singh, including the purported drowning of famine-stricken Kashmiri peasants in Wular Lake in 1877, served as catalysts for the annexation of Kashmir. While busy establishing a salt monopoly and fighting the war in Afghanistan, Lord Lytton backed interventionist tactics and posed to be the saviour of Kashmiri Muslims.
Ranbir Singh, a loyal ally of the British Empire, was reduced to a ‘buffer’ between India and Russia because of the pressure over Kashmir annexation. Despite his administration’s abuses and corruption, the British resisted forcing him to become a Political Resident, fearing he might join Afghanistan.
In 1884, Lord Ripon informed the Secretary of State that the British did not act earlier, expecting a fresh succession to consolidate control over the state.
The Indian Government reacted positively to the Officer on Special Duty’s letter, addressing Kashmir administration, necessary actions post-Maharaja’s death, and getting them implemented through Maharaja Pratap Singh.
Maharaja Ranbir Singh wanted Raja Amar Singh to replace him, but the British appointed Pratap Singh to the Chiefship after his death in 1885. The Indian government had earlier written to the Secretary of State about the Chiefship of Kashmir succession issue. Pratap Singh was required to designate a Political Resident in Kashmir and demand reforms. Sir Oliver St. John, the first Political Resident in Kashmir, informed the Maharaja that the government had promoted the Officer on Special Duty to Resident Political Officer. The Maharaja protested, but was told the arrangement should be seen as helpful.
The appointment of the Resident in 1884 was not only for the benefit of Kashmiris but also to support administrative reforms and monitor developments outside of Kashmir’s northwestern border. The British attempted to reduce the Maharaja’s power, leading to his actions being blocked and opposed. The Resident, Mr. T.C. Plowden, accused the Maharaja of poor governance. His successor, Colonel R. Perry Nisbat, conspired with anti-Maharaja groups, leading to his removal and the establishment of a British State Council.
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