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Home » Blog » Unpacking the Supreme Court’s Order Regarding Delimitation in the North-East [Guest Post] – Constitutional Law and Philosophy

Unpacking the Supreme Court’s Order Regarding Delimitation in the North-East [Guest Post] – Constitutional Law and Philosophy

Rajesh SharmaBy Rajesh Sharma Politics
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[This is a guest post by Anshul Dalmia.]


Recently, the Supreme Court (‘Court’) in the Delimitation Demand Committee for the State of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur and Navaland in North V. India Union Granted three months To carry out the exercise of delimitation in Arunachal Pradesh, Navaland and Manipur. The plea sought the immediate implementation of delimitation in these states.

The case arose from the alleged violation of a 2020 presidential order (‘Order 2020’) which recalled the postponement of the delimitation process in these states. The 2020 order was passed under Section 8-A of the Representation of the 1950s Law (‘Law of 1950’) which allows the president to terminate the orders of postponement, specifically with reference to the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur or Namaland. Postponement orders are usually passed under Section 10 of the 2002 Delimitation Law (‘Law 2002’) which allows the president to defer state delimitation exercises. The order can be approved if it is satisfied that a situation has Aris, Wh and the integrity of India is threatened or there could be a serious threat to peace and public order within that state.

I maintain that first, this order of the court does not consider the fact that section 8-A of the 1950 law is based on a questionable premise. Section 8-A has been previously questioned and is currently under a constitutional challenge. I seek to show that not examining the vices of section 8-A allows the prevalence of unfair processes and destroying the petitioner’s opportunity to ensure timely remedies. Secondly, I maintain that the order to carry out the delimitation within 3 months is difficult and could lead to a hurried process, creating more insoluble problems.

Discovering buried truths (and cases)

In the case of Hirendranath Gohain v. India UnionThe delimitation process that was being used in Assam was a challenge to a bank of three court judges. The Assam’s delimitation process was carried out as a result of order 2020 that rescinded the previous postponement order. Several imperative issues were called to the court’s attention regarding the order of section 8-A and Order 2020. I maintain that thesis problems remain extremely relevant and prominent with our case in question. These problems indicate the problems that exist by allowing delimitation to occur in the northeast states.

First, section 8-A of the 1950s law requires the Electoral Commission of India (‘ECI’), and not the Delimitation Commission (‘DC’), to undertake the delimitation process. With repairs on the independence of the ECI as proposed in Anop BaranwalIt becomes imperative to question the legitimacy of the ECI to carry out the constitutionally mandatory delimitation process. Secondly, since ECI has the task of performing a delimitation, the inherent safeguards placed within the 2002 law do not become an Avardo for the ECI, since they are only applied to the DC. For example, Associated membersThey make sure that delimitation remains an inclusive political process, to gain to help ECI. Third, the standards of what can constitute a ‘serious threat to peace and public order’ low Section 10a of 2002 Law It is still extremely discretionary and the Executive (that is, the President after the consultation with the Council of Ministers). Finally, the 2020 order itself mentions that the delimitation must be carried out according to the 2002 act That is, the DC has to delimit. Since the ECI has trusted the bone of this task, it has acted against the terms in which the postponement of the delimitation exercise was terminated.

Therefore, I maintain that the lack of consumption of thesis problems while deciding the current case performs the procedure in Hirendranath Gohah Unsuccessful. Since the court had realized that these theses justified close scrutiny, it should have examined the arguments in detail and evaluated the legality of section 8-A and the 2020 order in which the current delimitation process was premedmed. However, the court did not deepen the substantive problems, but proceeded to proceed that a delimitation was carried out within 3 months. In addition, the imminent injury of the above problems has assured that a Great facie The unfair and questionable process of delimitation (section 8-A read with section 10a) has recovered the implicit printur of the court.

Where there is a right, is there a remedy?

In addition, I maintain that the pendency of Hirendranath Gohah The case and those not considering these problems in similar cases, as the current case in question, the court ensures that those resources received after challenging the delimitation process have not been meaningless.

In it Hirendranath Gohah Case, he thought that the court understood that Assam’s delimitation process was contaminated and deserved scrutiny, refused to grant the petitioners any effective remedy. The Court said that since the Assam’s delimitation process had begun after the 2020 order and that the draft of the proposal was already published on June 20, 2023, it would not be appropriate to intercount the process at this stage. Therefore, while reserved the constitutional challenge, he raised before the court for greater deliberation, the ECI was ordered not to stop any of his processes. Therefore, the remedy was ineffective since the court believed that it would be too late for the intervention.

I maintain that in the current case, the pendency has not created the leg created by the petitioners, since they have presented the case at an appropriate stage. This case was First admitted By the Supreme Court on May 19, 2022 and was approached to be list on May 25, 2022. After this, the matter was Listened November 25, 2022 in which the Union of India, the Chief Elections Commissioner and the State of Navaland were instructed to present answers and tabon against the gaps. In February 21, 2023The state of manipur and in February 23, 2023The main election commissioner received two weeks to present the counterpalava in this matter. In April 10 and April 11, 2023The court instructed similar cases that had appeared in front of two different banks. After which, the case was postponed without specific reason that has been registered, in May 2, 2023” July 11, 2023” September 18, 2023” October 9, 2023and then directly in November 19, 2024. As previously seen, the laesses are due to the whims of adverse judicial processes, under the supervision of the court, which has delayed the hearing of this case to such an extent that now that now that the same court is the testament that is testantive, is testantive. Testantive Being Tostive Being Tostive Being Tostive Being Tostive Tostive Be Effective and Timely Remedy.

It can be objected that with regard to electoral cases, the courts have always focused on the legs on ensuring that the elections occur in time instead of ensuring that the elections take place through fair means and mechanisms. In cases of Ashok Kumar and MEGHRAJ KOTHARIWhen challenges were made to certain delimitation processes, the court emphasized that judicial intervention should not lead to interrupt, obstruct or delay the progress of electoral processors. In addition, courts can only correct or soften the progress of electoral procedures, eliminate obstacles in it, or

In this context, I maintain that first, the courts should not receive such a limited jurisdiction when it comes to electoral issues. While the status quo can lead to the elections that occur on time, the results of the selected elections and candidates could be contaminated by illegality, irregularity and unfair behavior. This would lead to a loss of confidence in the alleged democratic electoral process and in the political parties that win these elections. Secondly, said limited jurisdiction of the courts against electoral procedures may not be applicable to the delimitation processes. While it is true that delimitation processes and electoral processes are intuitively connected to each other, I maintain that delimitation can be considered independent or elections. While the elections make use of the constituencies that are identified after delimitation, that is not the sole purpose of the delimitation process. Delimitation is also used for governance and planning, since it guarantees administrative convenience and allows the soft allocation of development funds.

Therefore, in general in the current case, it was won that, since the court did not consulted the substantive challenge to section 8-A, he said that any remedy could never be granted. In addition, the trend within the electoral cases to prioritize the appropriate elections on the just elections guarantees reconsideration.

Lack of awareness about practical conerns

I maintain that the order of the court when instructing that the delimitation is carried out within 3 months leads to several practical issues that have conveniently ignored the legs:

First, this delimitation is an extremely technical process and involves many interested parties and, therefore, inherently it has been completed for a long time. When examining the deadlines of the national delimitation process in previous years (as seen in Table 1), it can be seen that about 5 years are needed to carry out delimitation in India.

S. No. Year of the Delimitation Commission Constituted Report sent Time tasks
1. DC 2002 2002 2008 6 years
2. DC 1972 1972 1976 4 years
3. DC 1962 1962 1967 5 years
4. DC 1952 1952 1955 3 years

Table 1

While it may be reasonable to argue that 5 years would not be required for the northern states of the Oteria, which are small size, I maintain that the three -month limit is not reasonable. A long period of time, that is, 53 years [1972-2025]It has gone since the delimitation in the thesis states has occurred. This would mean that it can be several problems with deep boats that justify a narrower consideration and research of the ECI. In addition, the ECI in 2025 will have the task of supervising the elections in larger states such as Bihar that would also need supervision and attention. Finally, in a similar northeastern state, that is, Assam, the delimitation exercise of approximately 2 years to complete [2022-2023].

Secondly, that if the delimitation will be carried out within such a short time frame, it could lead to an inefficient result. Since the ECI has the mandate to complete the task of delimitation of three states within three months, this could lead to several errors, such as the filtration of political biases or unintentional gerrymandering, as can be seen in the example of Assam.

It is imperative to clarify that I am legalizing the delayed or length delimitation exercises. However, the period of time for delimitation must consume the following factors: (i) the period of time must be reasonable; (ii) must take into account the complex technical process of delimitation; (iii) and must be gapendent in the place (that is, the State) and the context in which the delimitation is carried out.

With the recent order of the Court, it may be for several dangers to persist, that is, the non -neglect of similar previous cases, the improbability of providing an effective remedy and the presence of conern practice investigation of the delimator that delimits the months of delimity. The delimitation has always spoken in the leg in the north context against the south; However, it becomes imperative to investigate divergence and difference caused by not undertaking delimitation presses in the east. The orders of the Court like these do not necessarily relieve the problem, but make it even more complicated.

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