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On His 135th Birth Anniversary, We Ask, Would Ambedkar be Allowed Free Speech in India Today?
Shamsul Islam
Will Dr. Ambedkar survive if he appears now in India?
If we observe the glorification of Dr. BR Ambedkar by the RSS-BJP rulers on his birth anniversary, it appears that they, the sangh parivar are the most loyal followers of him, none other. According to Prime Minister Modi, Ambedkar was ‘architect of the Constitution of India’ and ‘Messiha of the Schedule Castes’.
The UP government has announced a grand celebration of ‘Ambedkar Jayanti’ beginning with a series of programmes from the morning of April 13 (2025), leading up to the main celebrations on April 14 at Lucknow which will be attended by the Hindutva icon, chief minister, Adityanath. These programmes “aim to acquaint the younger generation with Dr Ambedkar’s remarkable life, visionary leadership, and his unwavering commitment to justice, equality, and social reform”.
Dr. Ambedkar is receiving fullsome praise after his death. In life, the RSS and its bandwagon which included the VD Savarkar-led Hindu Mahasabha, never missed an opportunity to denigrate him, often resorted to the burning of his effigy! If Dr. Ambedkar were to appear now, in the India ruled by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) cadres, make no mistake, he would be either lynched or put in jail under terror laws for his trenchant opposition to Caste and the attendant denigration of Sudras, Women. Especially his sharp critique of Privileged Castes hegemony and Hindutva.
1. Dr. Ambedkar supported the burning of Manusmriti
RSS wants Indian constitution to be replaced by Manusmriti or Manu Code or laws of Manu which is known for its derogatory and inhuman references to Sudras, Untouchables and women. The Constituent Assembly of India finalized the Constitution of India on November 26, 1949, RSS was not happy. Its organ, Organiser in an editorial on November 30, 1949, complained:
But in our Constitution, there is no mention of the unique constitutional development in ancient Bharat. Manu’s Laws were written long before Lycurgus of Sparta or Solon of Persia. To this day his laws as enunciated in the Manusmriti excite the admiration of the world and elicit spontaneous obedience and conformity. But to our constitutional pundits that means nothing.
By demanding promulgation of laws of Manu in an Independent India RSS was simply following its mentor, philosopher and guide VD Savarkar who declared that,
Manusmriti is that scripture which is most worship-able after Vedas for our Hindu Nation and which from ancient times has become the basis of our culture-customs, thought and practice. This book for centuries has codified the spiritual and divine march of our nation. Even today the rules which are followed by the crores of Hindus in their lives and practice are based on Manusmriti. Today Manusmriti is Hindu Law.
It is to be noted here that a copy of Manusmriti was burnt as a protest in the presence of Dr. BR Ambedkar during historic Mahad agitation on December 25, 1927. He also called for burning Manusmriti on December 25 each year.
2. Dr. Ambedkar held high caste Hindus which control Hindutva politics responsible for miserable life of Hindus and hatred for Muslims
He was crystal clear that:
[The] high caste Hindus are bad as leaders. They have a trait of character which often leads the Hindus to disaster. This trait is formed by their acquisitive instinct and aversion to share with others the good things of life. They have a monopoly of education and wealth, and with wealth and education they have captured the State. To keep this monopoly to themselves has been the ambition and goal of their life. Charged with this selfish idea of class domination, they take every move to exclude the lower classes of Hindus from wealth, education and power, the surest and the most effective being the preparation of scriptures, inculcating upon the minds of the lower classes of Hindus the teaching that their duty in life is only to serve the higher classes. In keeping this monopoly in their own hands and excluding the lower classes from any share in it, the high caste Hindus have succeeded for a long time and beyond measure…
This attitude of keeping education, wealth and power as a close preserve for themselves and refusing to share it, which the high caste Hindus have developed in their relation with the lower classes of Hindus, is sought to be extended by them to the Muslims. They want to exclude the Muslims from place and power, as they have done to the lower-class Hindus. This trait of the high caste Hindus is the key to the understanding of their politics. [B.R. Ambedkar, Pakistan or the Partition of India (Bombay: Government of Maharashtra, 1990), p. 123, first Published December 1940, Thackers Publishers, Bombay.]
3. Dr. Ambedkar renounced Hinduism
Ambedkar, in his historic speech in Nagpur on October 15, 1956, a day after he had embraced Buddhism, said,
The movement to leave the Hindu religion was taken in hand by us in 1935, when a resolution was made in Yeola. Even though I was born in the Hindu religion, I will not die in the Hindu religion. This oath I made earlier; yesterday, I proved it true. I am happy; I am ecstatic! I have left hell — this is how I feel. I do not want any blind followers. Those who come into the Buddhist religion should come with an understanding; they should consciously accept that religion. [https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/blogs/indus-calling/an-ambedkar-speech-every-hindu-must-not-forget/]
If he tries to convert now we can imagine what terrible fate he will meet!
4. Dr. Ambedkar fought for equal rights for women
For RSS Hindu women are inferior in every respect. It demands promulgation of Manusmriti as constitution of India which shockingly denigrates women as we will see in the following [few out of dozens]:
a. Day and night woman must be kept in dependence by the males (of) their (families), and, if they attach themselves to sensual enjoyments, they must be kept under one’s control.
b. Her father protects (her) in childhood, her husband protects (her) in youth, and her sons protect (her) in old age; a woman is never fit for independence.
c. Women do not care for beauty, nor is their attention fixed on age; (thinking), ‘(It is enough that) he is a man,’ they give themselves to the handsome and to the ugly.
d. Through their passion for men, through their mutable temper, through their natural heartlessness, they become disloyal towards their husbands, however carefully they may be guarded in this (world).
e. (When creating them) Manu allotted to women (a love of their) bed, (of their) seat and (of) ornament, impure desires, wrath, dishonesty, malice, and bad conduct.
f. For women no (sacramental) rite (is performed) with sacred texts, thus the law is settled; women (who are) destitute of strength and destitute of (the knowledge of) Vedic texts, (are as impure as) falsehood (itself), that is a fixed rule.
On the contrary, Dr. Ambedkar believed in equality for women. He was clear that, “We shall see better days soon and our progress will be greatly accelerated if male education is persuaded side by side with female education…” He went on to stress that “I measure the progress of community by the degree of progress which women had achieved”. He advised Dalit women, “Never regard yourself as Untouchables, live a clean life. Dress yourselves as touchable ladies. Never mind, if your dress is full of patches, but see that it is clean. None can restrict your freedom in the choice of your garments. Attend more to the cultivation of the mind and spirit of self-Help.” Liquor was a bane in Dalit families and in order remedy it he asked women “do not feed in any case your spouse and sons if they are drunkards. Send your children to schools. Education is as necessary for females as it is for males. If you know how to read and write, there would be much progress. As you are, so your children will be.”
5. Dr. Ambedkar did not subscribe to the idea of Hindu nation and decried Hindutva
Dr. Ambedkar, a keen researcher of the communal politics in pre-independence India, while underlying the affinity and camaraderie between Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League on the issue of Two-Nation Theory wrote:
Strange it may appear, Mr. Savarkar and Mr. Jinnah instead of being opposed to each other on the one nation versus two nations issue are in complete agreement about it. Both agree, not only agree but insist that there are two nations in India—one the Muslim nation and the other Hindu nation.
According to him, the idea of “Hindustan for Hindus…is not merely arrogant but is arrant nonsense”. He was emphatic in warning that,
If Hindu Raj does become a fact, it will, no doubt, be the greatest calamity for this country… [It] is a menace to liberty, equality and fraternity. On that account it is incompatible with democracy. Hindu Raj must be prevented at any cost.
6. Dr. Ambedkar believed in Socialism
Jawaharlal Nehru introduced the Objective Resolution [OR] on December 13, 1946. Dr. Ambedkar’s turn to respond to the OR came on 17 December 1946. He stated:
If this resolution has a reality behind it and a sincerity, of which I have not the least doubt, coming as it does from the mover of the resolution [Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru], I should have expected some provision whereby it would have been possible for the state to make economic, social and political justice a reality and i should have from that point of view expected the resolution to state in most explicit terms that in order that there may be social and economic justice in the country, that there would be nationalisation of industry and nationalisation of land, i do not understand how it could be possible for any future government which believes in doing justice socially, economically and politically, unless its economy is a socialistic economy.
7. Dr. Ambedkar hated bigoted Hindutva ‘nationalists’ and ‘patriots’
Dr Ambedkar as early as 1931 said that whenever he demanded equality for lower Castes, marginalized sections and Depressed classes he would be called a communalist and anti-national. He was forthright in telling the ‘nationalists’ and ‘patriots’:
India is a peculiar country, and her nationalists and patriots are a peculiar people. A patriot and a nationalist in India is one who sees with open eyes his fellowmen treated as being less than men. But his humanity does not rise in protest. He knows that men and women for no cause are denied their human rights. But it does not prick his civic sense to helpful action. He finds whole class of people shut out from public employment. But it does not rouse his sense of justice and fair play. Hundreds of evil practices that injure man and society are perceived by him. But they do not sicken him with disgust. The patriot’s one cry is power and more power for him and for his class. I am glad I do not belong to that class of patriots. I belong to that class which takes its stand on democracy, and which seeks to destroy monopoly in a very shape and form. Our aim is to realise in practice our ideal of one man one value in all walks of life, political, economic and social. [Dr BR Ambedkar in the Plenary Session of Round Table Conference, London, 8th Sitting, January 19, 1931.]
(Shamsul Islam is a retired professor of Delhi University. Courtesy: SabrangIndia, an online portal dedicated to fighting the cancer of divisive politics. It is edited by Teesta Setalvad and Javed Anand.)
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Why Marginalised Groups Celebrate Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s Birthday: A Contemporary Analysis of His Relevance in India Today
MD Tabrez Alam
Introduction
The celebration of Ambedkar Jayanti on April 14 each year is not merely a festival but a political act. It is the reassertion of an unfinished revolution, the invocation of an intellectual who crafted India’s most progressive charter of rights and relentlessly advocated for the annihilation of caste, economic justice, and minority protection. For India’s marginalized groups, particularly Dalits and Muslims, Ambedkar represents not just the past but also the future—a future grounded in justice, equality, and fraternity. Ambedkar’s enduring legacy lies in the moral architecture of the Indian Constitution, yet his radical democratic vision remains unrealized. As India veers toward what scholars have termed “competitive authoritarianism” or “ethnic democracy”, the resurgence of interest in Ambedkar is both symptomatic and necessary.
The Political Symbolism of Commemoration
Babasaheb Ambedkar’s birthday is celebrated to honour his immense contributions and reassert his political presence and historical agency. Among historically oppressed communities, such commemorations serve as counter-hegemonic acts. In the face of ongoing socio-political marginalization, these celebrations emerge as ‘acts of resistance’—wherein statues, processions, songs, and gatherings challenge the epistemic erasure enforced by caste-Hindu nationalism. For instance, the erection of Ambedkar’s statues in public spaces, the singing of his songs that advocate for equality, and the gathering of people to discuss his ideas are all acts of resistance.
As the author has previously argued, “Dr. Ambedkar is not a Dalit leader; he is a mass leader, a philosopher of the oppressed” (Alam, 2020). This view underscores how Ambedkar’s legacy transcends identity politics to become a unifying force among all subjugated sections of society. His birthday, therefore, offers an opportunity for these groups to reclaim public spaces and reaffirm the constitutional ideals—liberty, equality, and fraternity—that are increasingly under threat in contemporary India.
Ambedkar’s Conception of Justice: A Radical Departure
Ambedkar envisioned justice not merely in legal terms but as a comprehensive societal arrangement ensuring the dignity of all. His philosophy, often aligned with John Rawls’ idea of “justice as fairness”, sought to undo entrenched inequalities through affirmative action, political safeguards, and socio-economic redistribution.
In Ambedkar’s lexicon, justice was predicated on liberty, equality, and fraternity. Without these, he contended, democracy would degenerate into a tyranny of the majority. His sharp critique of Hinduism, especially its caste-based rigidity, led him to argue that Hindu Raj would be the greatest calamity for India. In today’s India—where Muslims are lynched in the name of cow protection and Dalits are subjected to everyday humiliation—his warnings ring prescient.
Muslims and Ambedkar: A Shared Struggle for Recognition
Muslims in contemporary India face a peculiar paradox. Constitutionally safeguarded as a religious minority, their socio-economic indices trail behind even Scheduled Castes in many areas. The Sachar Committee Report is a government-appointed committee to study the socio-economic conditions of Muslims in India, and various academic studies reveal that Muslims fare worse in terms of education, employment, and access to state services. Ambedkar’s relevance to Muslims is profound. While he did not romanticize any religion, he acknowledged Islam as a possible emancipatory route for Dalits before ultimately choosing Buddhism. His insistence on group-based rights for minorities and his critique of ‘majoritarian communalism’ offer valuable insights into the current marginalization of Muslims. In the Hindutva regime’s reductionist narrative—where Muslims are either terrorists, appeased, or second-class citizens—Ambedkar’s inclusive nationalism provides an ethical alternative. As Manjur Ali elaborates, Ambedkar was clear that treating inequality equally is wrong and called for preferential treatment to bridge structural gaps.
Constitutional Safeguards and the Idea of Minority Rights
Ambedkar’s interventions before the Southborough Committee (1919), his articulation of separate electorates, and later his role in the Constituent Assembly reveal his deep commitment to minority rights. He warned that without adequate checks, democracy could easily degenerate into a tool of majority domination. He proposed concrete mechanisms: the appointment of a Superintendent for Minority Affairs, the prohibition of social boycotts, and special legal protections against communal tyranny. Although diluted post-independence, these mechanisms still inspire constitutional debates today. The rollback of scholarships for minorities, the marginalization of the Sachar Committee findings, and the dismantling of secular institutions reflect an inversion of Ambedkarite democracy. Marginalized groups, in celebrating his birthday, remind the Indian state of its constitutional compact. They also highlight the urgent need for inclusive policies that uphold the rights and dignity of all citizens, regardless of their social or economic status.
Ambedkar and Economic Democracy
While India’s post-liberalization period witnessed GDP growth and increased billionaires, economic inequality has worsened. Ambedkar critiqued capitalism for its exploitative character and proposed “State Socialism” as outlined in his document State and Minorities. He envisioned a state ensuring land redistribution, public sector dominance in industries, and employment rights. His advocacy for economic democracy—long before it became fashionable—aimed to align political democracy with social and economic justice.
Marginalized communities, often excluded from the market-based growth story, see a roadmap for dignified development in Ambedkar’s vision. The increasing wealth gap, rural distress, and communal polarisation in welfare provisioning make his ideas relevant and necessary.
Ambedkar and the Crisis of Representation
Ambedkar demanded representation in political institutions and knowledge systems. He believed true empowerment would come when the oppressed wrote their history and shaped public policy. Unfortunately, Muslims and Dalits continue to be underrepresented in media, academia, and bureaucracy. This epistemic injustice further entrenches their marginality. As a corrective, Ambedkar Jayanti is often celebrated through seminars, book readings, and cultural festivals to amplify subaltern voices. The call to see justice through Ambedkar’s eyes is not rhetorical—it is an urgent intellectual project to democratize Indian democracy.
Conclusion: Ambedkar Jayanti as a Praxis of Hope
In sum, marginalized groups’ annual celebration of Ambedkar Jayanti asserts constitutional morality in an age of cultural majoritarianism and reminds us that the republic must not become a hollow shell. In reaffirming Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s enduring legacy, it is imperative to recall his constitutional contributions and his fears regarding the dangers of a majoritarian polity and the persistent exclusion of minorities. His vision of social justice was grounded in inclusive policies aimed at dismantling hierarchical structures that perpetuate inequality. As scholars like Sukhadeo Thorat and Narendra Kumar have emphasized, Ambedkar’s framework for social inclusion remains a cornerstone for assessing the health of Indian democracy today. His warnings against the fusion of religious majoritarianism with state power and his advocacy for equitable representation resonate powerfully in our contemporary moment. Thus, Ambedkar Jayanti, far from being a symbolic gesture, continues to be a conscious act of reclaiming the republic by those for whom the promise of justice remains unfulfilled.
Ambedkar’s ideas offer a critique of contemporary injustices and a vision for structural transformation. As India battles rising communalism, caste atrocities, and economic inequality, the ideals of justice, equality, and fraternity must guide public discourse. Thus, the celebration of Ambedkar’s birth is not a static event but a dynamic, collective journey toward a just India.
Marginalized groups celebrate his birthday not as nostalgia but as an act of resistance—and hope.
References
- Manjur Ali (2023). Ambedkar’s Idea of Minority Rights in a Democracy. Journal of Social Inclusion Studies. Retrieved from https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/23944811231166131
- MD Tabrez Alam (2020). Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Relevance to Indian Muslims. Countercurrents.org, April 16. Retrieved from https://countercurrents.org/2020/04/babasaheb-ambedkar-relevance-to-the-indian-muslims/
- Forward Press (2017). Seeing Justice Through Ambedkar’s Eyes. August 4. Retrieved from https://www.forwardpress.in/2017/08/seeing-justice-through-ambedkars-eyes/
- PWOnlyIAS (n.d.). Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and the Upliftment of Marginalized Communities in India. Retrieved from https://pwonlyias.com/upsc-notes/dr-ambedkar-marginalized-communities/
- Anand Teltumbde (2018). Why Ambedkar Considered Islam the Religion of Choice for Dalits Before Opting for Buddhism, scroll.in, October 16. Retrieved from https://scroll.in/article/898332/why-ambedkar-considered-islam-the-religion-of-choice-for-dalits-before-opting-for-buddhism
- Sukhadeo Thorat & Narendra Kumar (n.d.). B.R. Ambedkar: Perspective on Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policies. Retrieved from https://www.bbau.ac.in/Docs/FoundationCourse/TM/MPDC405/Block-4%20Ambedkar%20on%20social%20justice-1.pdf
- N. Sahu (2022). Retrieved from https://www.newsclick.in/recalling-ambedkars-fears-majoritarian-polity-and-unequal-minorities
[Dr. Md Tabrez Alam is a Technical Consultant at the Centre for Child Rights, National University of Study and Research in Law (NUSRL), Ranchi. He holds a PhD in Social Work from IIDS, New Delhi and an MPhil in Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy from MANUU, Hyderabad. Dr. Tabrez has authored a book and published several research articles. Actively engaged in social development, he is a member of the Rising Tree Foundation and the co-founder of Social Works Collectives. Courtesy: Countercurrents.org, an India-based news, views and analysis website, that describes itself as non-partisan and taking “the Side of the People!” It is edited by Binu Mathew.]
